Let's simplify, or try to. The libertarian ignores equality, and associates liberty with property. This goes back to the establishment of parliament and taxation in Medieval England. Property is a grant of power, a title. The king is lawfulness itself, which is to say inheritance. Vs. this is the liberal demand for equality. The political freedoms, ie freedom of conscience, are not necessary in the state of property. A man's home is his castle. Equality is nonsense on stilts; it cannot be derived; it is unthought, writing: ie voting--not agreement but voting. It is the demand that everyone be called by name; that every-one be called, to consent. Freedom of thought is freedom from law; antinomian, meaningless, the individual.
One could argue for individuality based on Christianity, on the higher law, the call of conscience. Or a natural law theory would depend on the meaning of the human. Recall that Native American tribes refer to themselves as the people. The human is defined as what is proper to the human, his proper ends. Or was so until the universal. The opposite of the individual is the community. There is no thought of universality in the community. The demand to include everyone stretches the community to the breaking point, to an impossible thinness. There is no one left to define it, ie outside of it. We flip into the diremption. As we approach universality we lose content.
A "classic" liberal, ie Mill, has no demand for universal suffrage. Liberty is devolved, per Burke; it can't be intended, made a project or end. It's hard to grant universal suffrage and insist on the elitist indifference of the harm principle.
Think also of the church, post V II. Where once it contained/marked-out one's entire life, from birth to death, and one lived one's entire life within a Catholic community (ghetto), the reformers envisage a church as chosen community, a community of individuals, a political project within the world. The sacramental church is the church as authority. Per Benedict, V II meant that the church would tolerate democracy--even demand it--as a political system, but not within the church itself. Thus he believes there is a convergence of religion and philosophy. JP2 just thought he was destined by prophecy to end communism.
Marx is opposing the emergence of economics itself, the de-moralized science of society. Hegel thought capitalism was part of the differentiation of society by which it took command of itself. Marx saw that it was dehumanizing, the loss of the anthropocentric and ultimately nihilistic. To change history means to become fully human. Perhaps communism should be understood as the attempt to make equality a physical, rather than a metaphysical, reality (cf. Bernard Williams). For Marx the emergence of economy is the concealment of politics; the hidden politics of economics is only revealed in class; you realize your situation is political when you see you are part of a class; that private is public property (the king's) in disguise. If the workers are not excluded as a class, then there is no political dimension to the economic.
So from the other perspective, the emergence of economics is the emergence of the science of society, the selling of labor is the travelling, unhoused multitude, the mass, the mob. Their only benefit is the distortion of the economy that land can create as rents. England has history with mass movements: the peasants' revolt, the pilgrimage of grace. There is also the story of the crown's growing dependence on parliament and parliament's growing independence of the crown. Trade probably didn't get the respect of land until Albert took over for Victoria (Strachey is interesting on the sexual component of this); thus the strangeness of the Albert memorial (it is really indescribable). Before that, England lost and gained an empire (America and India) with Burke objecting to both (but what can you expect from an Irishman, and probably a Catholic). Note also Strachey's decrying that political power changed hands under Cromwell at the barrell of a gun, which is a little rich. Politics was never without power, even if in the name of property.
Note the promise of economics, the creation of wealth. The wealth of nations is really about de-nationalizing wealth: it is no longer connected with land, and inhibited by protectionism. Note also the strange way we think of the economy as not us, yet controlling us. An environment in which we live, subject to variations in season and weather like any agrarian society. Note also that the science of economics ignores property: the forgotten past.
The economic as politics is tautological: the economic dictates economics. It doesn't say anything about equality, or even persons. It may be that the technological outpaced the metaphysical, leaving behind both philosophy and religion, but the question of being remains. The question is the existence of dasein: of the individual.